Bình luận về Hồ Chí Minh và Đảng Cộng Sản Việt Nam

Bình luận về Hồ Chí Minh và Đảng Cộng Sản Việt Nam

Sunday, 17 June 2012




Who is Ho Chi Min?

Posted By: SLK <mailto:Chenlas2@hotmail.com?subject=Who is Ho Chi Min?> (client-203-166-84-212.net2000.com.au)
Date: Saturday, 21 June 2003, at 7:30 p.m.

Who was Ho Chi Minh?
Ho Chi Minh, scholar, soldier, revolutionary-to Vietnamese a hero, but to Cambodian victims and others a devil incarnate.
Ho Chi Minh, who was like his Vietnamese ancestors, had committed so much crime against Cambodians, Champa, Montagnards and Laotians. And if we all Khmers want to live in peace with Vietnamese, we must hand over Khmer Rouge leaders/cadres to the International Court of Justice for putting them on trial so that the brutal mass of killings can be clearly revealed to the world: “Who was wearing secret black balaclavas to kill Khmers for nearly 2 000 000 of lives from 1975-79?
Now I’d like all Khmer compatriots and nationalists to know all the tricks of Ho Chi Minh and Yuon leaders whose murderous motives were/are to incorporate Cambodia, Kampuchea Krom and Laos into Vietnamization/under their absolute rule of terror, had created “Indochinese Communist Party” in 1930.
A Vietnamese man clearly told me that in Vietnam there is no one can be allowed to criticise Ho Chi Minh. If any one criticised Ho Chi Minh, who would be put in a re-education camp for brainwashing for sure. Because Ho Chi Minh the one who brought South Vietnam and North Vietnam to be united together.
How many names did Ho Chi Minh has?
Where was Ho Chi Minh born?
Why was Ho Chi Minh so popular among his poorest Vietnamese?
Ho Chi Minh
and the struggle for an Independent Vietnam
William Warbey, 1972
Such a one, in his early youth, was Nguyen Tat Thanh, born on 19 May 1890, into a peasant family in the politically tempestuous Nge Án province of north central Vietnam.
The boy who was to become Ho Chi Minh, was the son of the rural Poet who belong to the poor but well-educated Sinh Brach of the extremely numerous Nguyen Clan. Nguyen Sinh Huy named his infant son Nguyen Sinh Cung, changing it later to Nguyen tat Thanh. There are Nguyen everywhere in Vietnam, from the extreme north to the far south.
Nguyen Tat Thanh, as he was renamed on his tenth birthday, grew up in a social environment that combined all the worst aspects of rural feudalism and colonial imperialism. His education began in the family circle, for Nguyen Sinh Huy had himself been born into rural poverty, from which he had partially escaped by marrying a landowner's daughter and devoting himself to the study of French culture and the Europeans classical humanities. He obtained the tittle of Pho Bang (D. Litt.), passed the mandarins examination and received minor official posts, under the nominal authority of the Annamite Emperor, first at the imperial capital of Hue and later in the province of Binh Khe.
The education of Nguyen Tat Thanh
Here he found that the true masters of the country were the French colonial officials, and growing sick of this "Double Slavery" as he called it, he provoked his own dismissal and returned to the life of a poor rural scholar.
Nguyen Tat Thanh quickly absorbed the lesson of these experiences, browsed through his father's library and began to study the cultural and political historical of the Viets. This proved him with a background and perspectives against which to observe contemporary life in his native province Nghe Án and the adjoining province of north central Annam, from Hue to the boundary of Tonkin.
He resolved to travel abroad himself, to visit the other colonies of the French empire, to make contact with the people Britain and America, and finally to go France where the expatriates of the French imperial possessions were living under the benevolent protection of the Government and the watchful eye of the Security Police. Thanh spent four years in improving his knowledge of the French language and literature, in teaching himself to read English and in gleaning all the information he could about the countries he proposed to visit. Then he went to Saigon, took a professional course at a maritime training institute, and eight months later got a job as a gallery hand on a ship belonging to the French cargo line company, Charguers Runis.
Chapter 3
Nguyen Ai Quoc learns the art and science of revolution
One sentence in Ho Chi Minh's will tells us the main purpose of his 30 years' odyssey. "Throughout my life I have served the fatherland, the revolution and the people." In these words are summed up both the goals which he set himself sixty years earlier, and his personal role in their attainment. He dedicated his life to a cause larger than he did, without thought of personal ambition other than to serve the community to which he belonged.
If we keep in mind the aims and purposes of the young Ho Chi Minh we can see a coherent pattern in his travels and activities between January 1911 and January 1941. This 30-year period can be broken down into two main phases: from 1911 to 1924 and from 1925 to 1941. During the first phase, Ho Chi Minh was learning the art and science of popular revolution. During the second phase, he was putting what he had learned into practice. He spent the first five years of voluntary exile mainly in travelling by sea throughout the Asian and African colonies of the French Empire, with calls and brief stays ashore at the principals seaports of France, Britain and America. He had no fixed base (except for a time in London) until 1915 when the 25 years old Vietnamese sailor went to France to join the increasing numbers of his compatriots were being transported to Europe help "save the world for democracy". Towards the end of 1916, Nguyen Al Quoc, as he now called himself, went to live in Paris, which became his base headquarters until 1924, when he joined the Staff of the Communist international and began to prepare for Indo-china Revolution.
He began to write soon after he settled in Paris: short articles, leaflets and memoranda written in Vietnamese for the "Group of Vietnamese Patriots living in France". Some were read out at meetings and discussed; others were mimeographed for wider distribution by hand, later the most important were printed, translated into French, and published as articles in the French Socialist Newspaper, Le Populair and l'Humanite. Although none of the earlier tracts has survived, we can deduce their content from the purpose for which they were written: the promotion of the patriots' struggle against the colonial masters of Vietnam.
In án article entitled "The Road which led me to Leninism "which he wrote on his seventieth birthday, for L'Echo Du Vietnam (Pairs July 1960), Ho Chi Minh vividly recalls the impacts which Lenin's words and deed made upon him as upon thousands like him-in the years immediately following the October Revolution. In short, from being án ardent revolutionary nationalist, Nguyen Ai Quoc became, almost overnight, a patriot revolutionary socialist.
After describing how he earned his living in Paris immediately after the end of the First World War, I was in 1918-1919, he says:
"I liked and respected Lenin simply because he was a great patriot who had emancipated his fellow-countrymen; up to that time I had not read any of his works.”
"I had joined the French socialist Party only because these "Messieurs-Dames"(as I called the party comrades) had demonstrated their sympathy for the oppressed peoples. I did not know the meaning of the words "Socialism" and "Communism".
"In the beginning," he says, "it was patriotism and not communism which impelled me to believe in Lenin and the Third International. Gradually, proceeding step by step in the course of the actual struggle, and combining the theoretical study of Marxism-Leninism with practical work, I reached the point where I understood that only socialism and communism can liberate the oppressed peoples and the workers of the Whole world."
The road to Moscow was the beginning of the road back to Vietnam. Nguyen Ai Quoc reached the end of the road in February 1941, having travelled in the meantime scores of thousands of miles across Europe, China, and South East Asia. The journey lasted twenty-one years from the time when he first read Lenin's these on "The problems of Nationality and Colonialism" in his Paris garret. Indeed, it took him four years to reach Moscow, four years of further study of the art and techniques of the world socialist revolution to which he was now dedicated.
He lost no time in setting to work, and his activities soon attracted the attention of the French Colonial Authority, in whose eyes he was a militant communist and anti-imperialist. The French Minister of the Colonies summoned him to his office and threatened to have him "rubbed out" if he continued his revolutionary career. Despite his threat, Nguyen Ai Quoc proceeded to found organizations like the "League of Oppressed Asian People", and to build up a secret network of contacts and communications with Indo-China through the seamen who travelled to the great International Ports of Dakar, Mauritius, Singapore, Haiphong, Canton, Macau, Hong Kong, Shanghai and Tokyo. He wrote articles and pamphlets for the French and international Communist Press, exposing the colonial system, founded and edited Le Paria as án educational and agitational cells amongst expatriate Vietnamese workers and peasants and attended the Congress Organised by the Communist International, the peasants' international and other organs of the International revolutionary Movement.
It was not until 1927-30 that Stalin, Manulisky and Bela Kun began to crack down on leaders of national parties who refused to toe the line, like Li Li-San in China. However, by this time Nguyen Ai Quoc had become the unchallenged authority for the Indo-china revolutionary. No one dare discipline him, and he was henceforth the complete master of policy, strategy and tactics of the coming revolution in Vietnam.
Nguyen Ai Quoc had reached this conclusion for himself when he eventually arrived in Moscow, in the winter of 1942, shortly before the death of Lenin. Pravda, on 27 January 1924, published a moving tribute written by the future Ho Chi Minh when the news "Lenin is dead" echoed round the world of the oppressed peoples," like a clap of thunder." Speaking on behalf of those who had scarcely heard his name yet felt him to be their "Liberator", he asks: "what are we to do now?" And for those who were "Full of grief for this irreparable loss", he answered:
"We feel sure that the Communist International and its units (cellules), including those in the colonies, will find a way to translate into deed the teachings and lessons of our great leader. Isn't that the best way to show our love for him, by following his advice?"
The conclusion is more person:
"It is through our work that Lenin, immortal, will again for ever." Nguyen Ai Quoc lost not time in following the bright star. He stayed on in Moscow for a few months, studying and teaching at the University of the east, which he described as "Revolutionary Russia's Contribution to the Work begun by Lenin for Liberation of the Colonial peoples."
The long Journey back
If in the end, as both Nguyen Ai Quoc and Mao Tse Tung believed, the peasants emerged as the most persistent and courageous fighters for freedom, their leading cadres would win the support of the whole people, and the chauvinistic and self-seeking elements of the bourgeoisie-the militants, the landowners and the moneylenders-would be discredited and unable to prevent the further progress of the revolution.
After his first visit to canton, he went to Shanghai, then back to canton and hence to Hong Kong, where he set up his temporary headquarters under the name of Mr. Vuong. He was associated with the Chinese workers in Shanghai during the time when, following the example of the canton workers, they were planing to seize power and establish a Shanghai Workers' Commune. The plan was discovered by the British-Commanded security services of the Shanghai International Settlement, and the information was passed on Chiang with the suggestion that combined action should be taken to suppress this revolutionary insurrection. As soon as the workers began to come on the to streets the British and French garrisons fired on them "to protect the International Settlement". This was the signal for Chiang to launch a picked Kuomintang division against the demonstrating masses, who were gunned down by the thousand. Workers were indiscriminately hunted down in the sequent "Terror", and Nguyen Ai Quoc was amongst those who had to make a quick get-away from the Chinese seaboard. He went back to western Europe, where he met left-wing socialists as well as communists in Belgium, France, German and Italy, and from Italy he sailed to Siam, where he established revolutionary cells amongst the Vietnamese residents workers.
From Bangkok, he sailed back to Hong Kong, probably via Singapore and perhaps even calling at Haiphong harbour. Wherever he went he collected information about the progress of the revolutionary movement inside Vietnam, and by the time he got back to Hong Kong at the end of 1929, he was in a position to call together the leading Vietnamese communists for the purpose of forming a unified Communist party of Vietnam. (By October 1930 the same was changing to "The Communist Party of Independent-China)."
On 3 February, 193, representatives of the three Communist parties operating inside Vietnam, one northern-based, one southern-based, and one which had grown out of the Nghe-Án Peasant Soviet Movement in northern Annam (Nguyen's home territory), met together and agreed to establish the unified party with a simple program and tactical guide-lines drawn up by Nguyen Ai Quoc.
For eighteen of the British police, printing and smuggling out propaganda materials and instruction months, Mr. Vuong and his friends worked in Hong Kong under the noses leaflets for the use of the comrades in Vietnam. Eventually French police agents got on his track, and at their suggestion he was arrested by the British authorities and charged with being a Soviet agent seeking to overthrow the Hong Kong government. A friendly British lawyer, Mr. Loseby, defended him, and when the Hong Kong Supreme Court voided the persecution but ordered his expulsion from the colony, he appealed, with the help of Sir Stafford Cripps, then a member of the left-wing Socialist League, to the House of Lords. The latter ordered his unconditional release and Nguyen went to Singapore. Here he was arrested, sent back to Hong Kong and put prison again. This time Mr. Loseby, convinced that the British and French police were acting in collusion, and that his client's life was in danger whatever happened in court, resolved to get him away to a safe place on the Chinese mainland. He smuggled Nguyen out of the prison and away to a Chinese friend's villa, where for a short time he lived the life of a Chinese mandarin.
He soon had to go on the run again, however, and eventually found his way by train to Moscow, where he stayed for some three years. In the spring of 1938, the victory of the "Front Populair" in France made it possible for him to return to South China and prepare for the new imminent "pacific Conflagration".
As early as 1938, Ho Chi Minh -to use the name that he assumed in order to persuade Chiang Kai-Sek's police that he was a Chinese born in Vietnam had seen that the moment for revolt was approaching. Under the cover name of Tran, he now moved his field of operations to the Southern Chinese provinces of Yunnan and Kwang Si, where Mao Tse-Tung's eight Route army was holding back the Japanese forces. Inside Vietnam, mass movements were developing under the lead of the Democratic Front of Indo-China and the Indo-Chinese Congress. This was the time when leading Party Members, including Pham Van Dong and Vo Nguyen Giap, were asked to leave Vietnam and come to Kunming for a conference to prepare for guerilla work and insurrectionary action. Travelling along the Hokow-Kunming railway line, on which secure bases had been established, they met the man whom the younger comrades were already beginning to call "Uncle". According to Vu Anh, who was one of the party, Uncle was very glad to see them and in a merry mood. He told Pham Van Dong that "He wasn't really as old as he looked", and then turning to Giap he said, "Giap's still as beautiful as a girl.
Soon the whole border area was cleared of Japanese and Vichy French agents, and it was possible to establish military and political headquarters on Vietnamese soil. In January 1941, thirty years almost to the day after he left Saigon (Former Khmer City, “Prei Nokor”), Ho Chi Minh returned to his native land. In the mountain village of PAC Bo, in a cave guarded by local peasants, Ho Chi Minh established his own base headquarters. Here the decision was taken to establish the Vietnam Doc Lap Dong Minh Hoi (Vietminh), which was to lead the revolutionary seizure of power. A few months later Ho Chi Minh returned to South China, to co-ordinate the internal and external forces. He was also hoping to get political and military assistance from Chiang Kai Sheik, and through him from the Americans, who were now in the war and were seeking to establish contact with the Americans until late in 1942, because Chiang's police arrested him and kept him locked up in various jails for over a year.
Ho Chi Minh: Born (Nguyen Sinh Cung) 19 May 1890, died 1 September 1969.
The history of Ho Chi Minh is inseparably intertwined with that of the country in which he was born and the people amongst whom he lived. His own life lasted over 79 years, spanning three quarters of the century, which, in historical terms, began about the year in which he was born, 1890. The period from 1890 to 1970 embraces the rise of modern imperialism, the development of the militarized super-state, the clash of rival empires and the ruthless bid for global autarchy by the United States of America.
Ho Chi Minh’s statue will be pulled down like Lenin, Saddam Hussein and many more dictators for sure, when Kampuchea Krom is handed over back to Kampuchean people in the near future. Ho Chi Minh’s statue will be pulled down is that by only Cambodians and Free Yuon Prey Nokor who really hate Communist leaders. Because Ho Chi Minh’s formula of Indochinese Communist Party was being proved wrongly to his own people, Cambodians, Khmer Krom people, Laotians and Montagnards that his last dying wish could not control The Three Countries. More importantly, now and in the near future, Yuon leaders have/will got a lousy awful headache, because Kampuchea Krom people are getting their voice stronger and stronger day by day by sending their endless suffering to world that they have been brutally oppressed, trampled, intimidated, and colonised by the Vietnamese leaders who are the worst violators of human rights on earth against humanity. Russia is going to pull out their troops from Cam Ranh Bay in Vietnam very soon; Vietnamese Communist Terror Regime will collapse for sure because Yuon leaders themselves got no more Superpowers to con/deceive! I’m a psychic. I can see the past, present and future events. My brain always tells me so, because I’ve got all messages from Preah Indra who lives in the Sky.


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Kết quả các hành động của Hồ Chí Minh là gì ?

Francois Revel LTS. -

Bài viết dưới đây của triết gia người Pháp, Jean- Francois Revel nhằm phản đối vụ UNESCO coi Hồ Chí Minh như một nhà văn hóạ Chúng tôi đăng lới nhân có nhiều bạn trẻ trong và ngoài núóc'' còn đặt câu hỏi về thành tích của nhân vật nàỵ Tựa đề do tòa soạn đặt. Các cuốn sách nổi tiếng của J.F. Revel là Ni Marx ni Jesus (1970), La Tentation totalitaire (1976), Comment les Démocraties finissent (1983). (Người Việt, 17/3/99)
+ Hồ Chí Minh, lẽ ra, đã có thể là một vị anh hùng tạo lập một nước Việt Nam tân tiến và dân chủ, một người đáng lẽ đã dẫn đưa đất nước mình thoát khỏi sự lệ thuộc vào thực dân và hướng về một nền văn minh hiện đới, như một tổng hợp các truyền thống với bản sắc của một quốc gia mới mẻ.
Khốn thay, mục tiêu của ông không phải là nền độc lập của Việt Nam, mà là việc sáp nhập nước này vào Quốc tế Cộng sản. Không phải là để cho dân tộc mình có quyền tự quyết, quyền bầu cử, quyền lựa chọn các vị lãnh đạo, với các luật lệ và nếp sống của mình, mà là áp đặt chủ nghĩa độc tài Stalin vào dân tộc Việt Nam, bằng cưỡng bức với đủ tất cả các hình thức tớo ra nó như các vụ hành quyết, các trới tập trung, như làm biến chất con người bằng lao động cải tạo, với nạn đói khát trong nhân dân và sự hủ hóa trong hàng ngũ cầm quyền, như việc quân sự hóa triệt để, với chính sách ngoạii giao theo mệnh lệnh của Moscoụ
Thành thử Hồ Chí Minh là một trong những người thực hiện một cách cứng nhắc nhất phương pháp mà chủ nghĩa cộng sản đã dùng trong suốt thế kỷ thứ 20. Phương pháp đó là nắm lấy sức mạnh nằm trong các mong muốn tự nhiên của con người như mong muốn được tự do, được phồn vinh, được tiến bộ, được độc lập dân tộc, rồi xoay chuyển sức mạnh đó để phục vụ cho các mục đích hoàn toàn trái ngược lại với các mục đích mà những người dân bị lợi dụng đã ước mong và đeo đuổị Một khi những người dân đó nhận ra được sự gian trá thì đã quá muộn màng, họ đã bị giam hãm, chính thể độc tài đã được thiết lập, cái lồng chim đã đóng lới rồị
Không có sự đồi bại nào ma quỉ hơn là mưu toan chiếm đoạt những tâm tình hào hiệp và hàng triệu những con người với tấm lòng tận tụy, những nhiệt tình sâu xa nhất và chính đáng nhất của bản chất loài người để đưa tới nô lệ, bần cùng, nhục nhã và đơn thuần cho tội ác; bởi vì chúng ta đừng quên rằng hệ thống cộng sản là một trong những hệ thống giết người tàn bạo nhất trong lịch sử, và có thể là tàn bạo nhất vì không có một hệ thống nào khác đã tuần tự ngự trị trên nhiều nước như thế. Vào khoảng năm 1980, có hơn 2 ty? người đang còn bị nô lệ cho cái hệ thống vừa dã man, vừa phá hoại cũng như vô hiệu đến mức ngu xuẩn đó.
Dựa vào lòng ước mơ tự do để nô lệ hóa dân chúng, đó là phương pháp của Hồ Chí Minh, được sao chép một cách rất trung thành theo phương pháp gian ác của Lênin. Nó đã tàn phá những nước khác như Cambodge, Ethiopie, Mozambique, Algérie, Cuba, Angolạ Đàng sau cuộc chiến tranh giải phóng, cuộc chiến đấu cho bình quyền, mà các đoàn quân kháng chiến tin là thật, được che giấu một âm mưu của các người lãnh đạo để chống lại tự do và nhân quyền.
Hồ Chí Minh có thực tâm tin tưởng vào những lợi ích tương lai của chủ nghĩa cộng sản không? Tôi nghi ngờ điều này, bởi vì ông ta đã thấy được diễn tiến của nó ở nhiều nước khác.
Đã là một người có tư tưởng cuồng tín hẳn là ông ta chẳng cần phải đặt câu hỏi như thế để làm gì nữa, vì giống như tất cả các nhà lãnh tụ độc tài, ông ta có cách giữ mình không cảm thấy hối hận khi nhìn thấy những sự tàn phá của một hệ thống mà ông ta đã cống hiến trí thông minh của mình cho nó. Lịch sử không phải là kết quả của những ý định của người ta mà là kết quả của những hành động của họ. Thế thì những kết quả còn đó: Nô lệ, xương máu, chết chóc và đói khát đã trưng dụng cuộc chiến đấu chống thực dân để đưa đến một tình trớng suy sụp như thế thì chẳng còn cách gì chống chế để chạy tội cả. Trái lới đây là một trường hợp tội gia trọng, một vụ trộm cắp, một vụ lừa bịp không hơn không kém.
Nếu UNESCO làm lễ kỷ niệm (+) nhân dịp 100 năm sinh nhật người phạm tội ác chống lại nhân loại đó, mà không có một tinh thần phê phán nào cả, thì e rằng tổ chức này sẽ kết liễu đời mình vì tự làm mất uy tín và làm trò cười cho thiên hạ Chúng ta hy vọng rằng một chút ít "glasnost" sẽ đi vào trong cái nhà máy nói dối vô phước đó tới công trường Fontenoy.
Jean-Francois REVEL
(Viết năm 1990)
Chú thích: + Sau cùng UNESCO đã hủy bỏ dự án nàỵ Buổi lễ được thay thế bằng một buổi trình diễn văn nghệ, với hợp đồng thuê rớp là người tổ chức cam kết không được nhắc đến tên Hồ Chí Minh. (Chú thích của nhà xuất bản). BÙI TÍN DỊCH

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